Awake! Arise, Britannia! Or Be Forever Fallen! Part III- The Way Forward

The third and final part of Alfred Smith's look at the peoples of Britain, with his rousing and convincing conclusion.

ʻHearest thou… what this folk sayeth? […]
Tell to thy people these much hatefuller tidings,
That here stands a good earl ‘mid his men,
Who will the home of his fathers defend.ʼ

—Battle of  Malden

Before proceeding farther, let us briefly review what has been said in the foregoing paragraphs about the need for ‘public affections’ and the conditions under which such affections arise and flourish.  First, enlightened self-interest combined with the rule of law will not suffice, under any circumstances, to bind a large group of individuals together in a voluntary, cohesive political union. A country’s legal system, with the fear of punishment that it inspires, is a safety net, a release valve; it is not the primary guarantor of civil order. Moreover, the promise of monetary gain is not sufficient to inspire individuals to do those heroic feats and deeds of self-sacrifice without which civilized life is not sustainable, and progress is not possible. Second, affection and admiration are the true foundations of political unity and individual and collective achievement.  Affection is specific; humans feel affection for specific objects (persons and things) especially those that are their own, and those that delight them. Third, nations themselves, and the ‘public’ or ‘national’ affections which sustain them, arise on the basis of racial and cultural commonality. History proves this; moreover, we know that without such commonality, there is no chance that millions of people will be bound together by a sense of common ownership of a single heritage or that they will be delighted by the same things. Fourth, public affections are not directed at faceless, abstract quantities: the state, the public.  Public affections arise from the contemplation of human and other concrete embodiments of the nation: national traditions and institutions, national myths, national heroes.

Is Great Britain a nation?

If one accepts the definitions of ‘nation’ and ‘national identity’ which I have given in this essay, can one consider the political union of England, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland (Great Britain) to be a nation?  Is it possible for the English, the Scots, the Welsh, and the people of Ulster to extend their individual national affections to the whole of Britain? The short answer is yes. The longer answer is as follows. Britain is best viewed as a family of nations. At the most basic level these nations have much in common. Their peoples are of the same racial stock, they have all long embraced the Protestant branch of the Christian religion, and they share a language. It is true that, to this day, each constituent nation retains its own ancient history, its own distinct culture, its own exclusive national myths and national heroes. But many centuries ago, the respective histories of these nations began to intersect, their individual cultures began to be influenced by one another, and in time the nations of Britain came to embrace common myths and to celebrate common heroes; they came to seek their destiny in the world as one nation.

The best known legend to have emerged in the British Isles is the one which we have already mentioned in this essay, that of King Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table.  This is a truly British legend to the extent that all the nations of Britain have contributed to it and paid it homage.  The legend began in Wales; Arthur was a national hero of the Welsh. But the English were so captivated by Arthur, that in time they adopted him as their own.  English author Thomas Malory depicts Arthur unmistakeably as an English king, but he does not conceal Arthur’s Welsh origins. In Malory’s account, as in earlier accounts, Arthur is the son of the Welsh king Uther Pendragon, and Igraine of Cornwall. As for the Scots, some of their chroniclers of old were less than enthralled with the man whom they perceived to be a an English king. Today, however, there are Scots who insist that Arthur was from Scotland. The only possible conclusion which all of the foregoing can point to is that, through the ages,  Arthur has become a legendary hero of all British people.  When English, Welsh, or Scots contemplate him, they may not all see precisely the same face and personality, but they can all see a valiant and virtuous British leader.   Even critics of Arthur, such as John De Fordun, cannot help but admire him. As De Fordun wrote in his Chronicle of the Scottish People (c. 1385) ‘[Arthur] possessed unheard-of virtue and generosity; he had such kindness and inherent goodness that he was loved by almost all the people.’ Equally important for 21st century Britain is Sir Thomas Malory’s depiction of Arthur as the virtuous king under whom all British peoples were united. English, Scottish, Welsh, and Irish knights all sat together with Arthur at the Round Table to decide the fate of their common kingdom. We have not always lived up to this ideal in the course of our long and tumultuous history, but it has always been there to guide us. The legend of the Round Table remains a source of unity for our family of nations.

If we pass from exemplary history to real history, the close interconnection of the nations of Britain receives further confirmation. The English, Welsh, and Scots, as well as the Irish, presided together over the grandest empire the world has ever seen: the British Empire. This monumental imperial project would not have been possible without the cooperation of all the nations of Britain, without a heartfelt ‘British’ patriotism to inspire every man to do his duty. Moreover, both before the advent of the British Empire, and since its decline, the nations of Britain have produced many heroes capable of evoking the admiration of all Britons.  The English have contributed the lion’s share of Britain’s heroes and achievements, which is no surprise given their numerical dominance and the superiority of the political culture they inherited from their Anglo-Saxon ancestors. But many of Britain’s greatest heroes were from Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. Some of these men are quoted in this essay. Edmund Burke was of Irish extraction. He is quite possibly Britain’s greatest political philosopher. He served Britain as a Member of Parliament. He never forgot his origins and never became indifferent to the struggles of the Irish. But he believed that his primary duty was to defend British interests and British liberty from whatever threatened them. He fought the monarchy when he saw it arrogating powers to itself which did not belong it. In the last years of his life, he fought with even greater fervour to prevent the horrors of French revolutionary terror from being visited upon Britain. Thomas Carlyle was from Scotland. Throughout his long life, much of it spent in London, he never ceased to be a Scotsman; his favourite poet was Robert Burns. Yet, he was to become, in the words of Alan Massie, ‘the greatest moral force in Victorian England’[i] He was committed to a British nation, one forged politically by the English, and encompassing the cultures of all its constituent nations. The pressing problems of the British nation as a whole, and of its empire, were the problems he sought to solve.

British identity does not replace English, Scottish, or Welsh identity. Rather, it is an additional identity which encompasses them all. A British nation was possible because of the racial and cultural commonality of all British peoples. Great Britain is the result of centuries of cultural and political interaction between the individual nations of the British Isles. It is sustained by a British culture forged by this interaction, and by the memory of shared historical achievements and shared heroes.  If British identity has weakened appreciably in the last few decades, this does not mean that it is an imperialist fabrication as some like to claim. On the contrary, British patriotism has flagged because the policies of cosmopolitan elites have endeavoured, with some success, to divorce ‘Britishness’ from its authentic historical and cultural basis.  Eager to incorporate foreign elements into our family of nations, the elites have chosen to define a Briton as any person who holds British citizenship. But, what does ‘Britishness’ mean when anyone who just stepped off the boat from God knows where can become a ‘Briton’? Answer: Nothing!  If a given term can mean ‘anything’ then it means precisely ‘nothing’.  Under such circumstances, it is understandable that many English and Scots are retreating from their common British identity and beginning to think of themselves as only English or Scottish. Disenchanted with an identity that has been abased and rendered largely meaningless, they cling all the more desperately to their first, ethnic identity which still retains specific, exclusive cultural significance.   If the decline of British unity and patriotism is to be reversed, ‘Britishness’ must be rejoined to its exclusive historical and cultural foundations in the eyes of all true Britons.

Civil Society Relies on Culturally Specific Values and National Identity

Let us return to a question we posed earlier, and attempt to answer it in the light of all that has been said. An internal investigation of the Metropolitan police revealed that Asian officers are ten times more likely to be reported for misconduct and corruption than white officers. The report concluded that Asian officers, Muslims in particular, found it difficult to overcome their inclination to rob the public purse and abuse their authority for the benefit of their own communities.  What explains the low rate of corruption among white Britons? Given the assaults that elites have been making on our traditions and culture for decades, it is unlikely that very many of them have the confident, mature sense of national identity which I have been describing. Perhaps I am not giving them sufficient credit, however. In any event, it seems likely that these white British public servants have retained at least a trace of that old British sense of honour which holds that any betrayal of the public trust is a shameful act. The British public is still, at some level, not merely their employer, but a larger community, encompassing their own individual communities, to which they owe a certain measure of loyalty.  As Burke tried to demonstrate, these ‘civic’ values have their origin in traditional British culture, in our British ‘manners’. They are sustained by feelings of patriotism and solidarity, our ‘public affections’. If that culture were stamped out or forgotten, and if those feelings were extinguished utterly, then ‘civic values’ would disappear with them. If there were to come a time when white Britons no longer saw the British public as their community, British civil society would come to an end. Former Prime Minister Tony Blair, after all the violence he had done to our British national identity and our sincere feelings of patriotism, had the gall some years ago to say ‘You have a duty to give back to the society in which you live.’ Our question to him would be as follows: ‘Where, you insufferable ignoramus, is that sense of duty to come from after you have nearly eradicated its only source?’

The fact is that we need our own British identity in order to live prosperously and happily in a cohesive civil society. The more all Britons know about their own national myths, their history, their political, scientific and artistic achievements, and their heroes, the better they will understand that they are all joint owners of great and unique National Treasury, from which all draw funds and to which all owe debts. The more people love their country, the more they are prepared to contribute to the common good. The greater the love is, the stronger are the feelings of mutual obligation, and hence, the less there is of class exploitation, crime, and unprofitable partisan wrangling. A mature sense of national identity cannot eliminate all social ills, of course. Human beings are flawed creatures, and thus it is not in their power to create perfect societies. There is no way to ensure that all men and women will always know their proper duty and be willing to do it.  But allowing for and supporting the development of a mature sense of national identity among the citizenry is the likeliest way to get citizens to do their duty voluntarily, and even joyfully.

A civil society grounded in a strong sense of national identity is the best that we can hope for in an imperfect world populated by imperfect human beings. But this best of all arrangements has been seriously weakened, and is in danger of being destroyed irreparably by mass immigration. This is because the waves of Asian, Middle Eastern, African and other immigrants brought to our islands by successive Conservative and Labour governments, cannot be incorporated into our national family.  Many of these multifarious immigrant groups have manners and values that are simply incompatible with our own. As the American academic Samuel Huntington has written, ‘the people of different civilizations have different views on the relations between God and man, the individual and the group, the citizen and the state, parents and children, husband and wife, as well as differing views of the relative importance of rights and responsibilities, liberty and authority, equality and hierarchy.’[ii] When people can find no common ground in such matters, they find it difficult even to occupy the same living space. That they should work together for some sort of common good, whose general parameters they could never agree upon, is out of the question. Manners and values are rooted in cultural traditions, which are the basis of group identities. And here we approach the  central problem. These immigrant groups all have their own identities, just as we have our own. They are no more willing to give up their respective identities than we are ours. This means that the conflicting loyalties, tensions and feelings of resentment which are breaking down the civil order in our nation will not cease. What is to be done?

Liberalism vs. Realism

A couple decades ago, when the liberal gurus finally became aware of the potential problem which mass immigration was creating, they searched abroad for a novel solution. They found one in Canada. Never mind the fact that ‘cultural pluralism,’ or as it is more commonly known, ‘multiculturalism’ never really worked in Canada, or anywhere else for that matter. As the scholar Anthony Smith wrote in 1995, ‘with the fate of so many poly-ethnic states hanging in the balance, it would be a bold person who could make out a case today for the success of “plural nations”.’ After the terrorist attacks the liberal elites realised that they had erred, but the shock was not enough to cause them to actually see their error. Only those who are not blinded by modern liberal orthodoxy can identify the mistake. The liberal intellectuals themselves just flail helplessly. At the end of his article ‘Too Diverse?’ (which, incidentally, is worth reading) the liberal journalist David Goodhart very nearly hits upon the truth. He writes, ‘People will always favour their own families and communities; it is the task of a realistic liberalism to strive for a definition of community that is wide enough to include people from many different backgrounds, without being so wide as to become meaningless.’[iii] He starts out well, but after the semicolon it all falls to pieces. Apparently, the task for ‘realistic liberalism’ (oxymoron?) — now that multiculturalism has failed — is to create a new definition of national community (a new identity) that ‘British’ people of all ethnic and religious backgrounds will be able to embrace as their own.  Goodhart — bless his good heart! — fails to give even a hint of what this new identity would look like, of course. A more recent article from him on the same topic leaves us none the wiser on this point. His failure to elaborate on the question of all questions should not surprise us, however, for the task he has set for himself cannot be done. The smartest man or group of men could not do it, except perhaps with the assistance of black magic, some sort of socio-political alchemy!

Indeed, it is no longer possible to speak of ‘realistic liberalism.’ The creature is extinct; it let out its last gasp at some point shortly after the Second World War. Realistic liberalism, when the beast still lived, said very different things. John Stuart Mill, the most prominent liberal of the 19th century wrote ‘It is in general a necessary condition of free institutions that the boundaries of governments should coincide in the main with those of nationalities… Free institutions are next to impossible in a country made up of different nationalities.’[iv] To Mill, the idea that one could throw a bunch of different nationalities together under one government, and convince them to abandon their traditional identities in order to adopt a new one approved by the state, was not realism. This was fantasy; and it still is fantasy.

Why is the new identity project an impossible fantasy? For the answer I turn to a scholar who has spent most of his professional career studying nationalism and national identity, Dr Anthony D. Smith.  According to Smith, ‘cultures and collective identities…are the product of a host of social, political, and cultural traditions, values, memories, and symbols at the popular level which have coalesced over time to produce a common heritage.’ Collective identities are the ‘precipitate of generations of shared memories and experiences.’ They are the product of slow growth which happens of its own accord; they cannot be instantly cooked up by imaginative intellectuals and disseminated to a credulous populous.  Collective identities depend on ‘historical embeddedness,’ on specific cultural and historical contexts.  A national narrative must have mass popular appeal. If it is to strike a popular chord, it must be authentic. Says Smith, ‘a nation must be furnished with an adequate and authentic past.. Authenticity is crucial, it attests to the originality, the self-generating nature of the culture community.’ The requirement of authenticity, of an authentic past, thus severely limits the possibilities for manipulation by elites.[v]

What sort of collective identity could be formed from the incommensurable and incompatible religious and ethnic traditions of the British people and all the newcomers currently occupying our poor country? There is no racial or cultural commonality between them. Though the British can be said to have a common past with the peoples whose lands they once colonized, the memories of this past evoke resentment and recrimination rather than feelings of brotherly love. Any ‘new identity’ which attempted to encompass Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, and the ethnic traditions of a score of different nationalities would be incongruous and unintelligible. It would be so broad and contain so many internal contradictions that it would be artificial and hence, meaningless. Liberal intellectuals have already had a go at creating a new common culture. They lisped something to us about the comparable popularity of ‘Fish and Chips’ and ‘Chicken Tikki Masala,’ mumbled something about certain concerts and film festivals, and thereafter grew silent. That was all they could come up with. Needless to say, foods and entertainments are only the trappings of culture; they are not the soul of the thing.  Did anyone ever shed a tear over a dish of curry, unless perhaps it was over-spiced? When the British people resisted the Nazis in the Second World War, were they fighting for the right to eat Fish and Chips instead of Bratwurst? No, the thing cannot be done. The result of a combination of so many disparate traditions will be either no culture at all, or, what amounts to the same thing, an artificial, superficial culture lacking the common myths, history, and heroes in which a culture’s emotive power is concentrated.

What, then, can we expect from the New Labour (and now LibCon) initiative to ‘integrate’ communities? We can expect an intensification of the processes we have already witnessed.  When different racial and cultural communities are forced to occupy the same living space, two opposite tendencies reveal themselves simultaneously.  On the one hand, there is always a minority from each group –  in the main, persons who are estranged from their own communities, or are confused about their identity – who will intermarry with members of other groups.  This can be tragic, not just for these individuals, but more especially for their children. According to a recent study conducted in United States (which suffers from the same problems as we do) mixed race children are 30-65% more likely to engage in risky or violent behaviour than their single-race peers.[vi] What does this finding tell us? It tells us that people need to have an identity.  Mixed race children, because of the tragic decision of their parents, do not know who they are, or with whom they belong. What is true for individuals is true for societies as well.  If majorities were to engage in racial mixing – which is what Liberals want most of all – then the result would be an entire society of persons bereft of an identity. The only culture that such a society could have would a be a shallow, artificial one on a par with the current global ‘pop culture’.  Unable to be rooted in a collective identity, it would be a society of confused egotists, seeking their own gratification, prone to addiction, temptation, and senseless violence, and unable to believe in anything great or beautiful. However, this scenario is less likely than the one I will discuss below, because the numbers of those who mix are small.

The second tendency that we witness when different racial and cultural groups are forced together is described by Dr Anthony Smith as follows: ‘bringing disparate cultures into close proximity and revealing their differences openly encourages ethnic and historical comparison and the proliferation of fragmenting ethnic nationalisms.’[vii] Liberals believe that when different racial and cultural groups are brought together, they will realize that they are not so different from each other after all, and therefore embrace each other as brothers. But experience has shown the opposite. Suddenly brought into close proximity to one another, the different groups see their differences all the more clearly, and this leads to stronger affirmations of their own unique cultural values and identity.  Clearly, in Britain and indeed throughout the world, this is the more frequently observed tendency. The scenario for Britain, then, is a continuation and an escalation of the ethnic and religious conflict that has already begun. In the end, the victors in this conflict will be those groups which breed most prolifically and fight for their group interests most energetically. On current trends, the victors will not be the British.


Given our assessment of the problem, only one solution presents itself. In order to preserve and restore a disintegrating British civil society, the British people must regain a mature sense of national identity based upon race and traditional culture. As a general rule, peoples from Third World countries cannot be a part of this identity. Let us be very clear on this point. An honest social scientist (of which there are few today) cannot make categorical statements. He can make reasonable judgements about what he thinks majorities of men and women will do; these judgements will not hold true for every last individual. As a general rule, however, it seems evident that race and religion are the two most important factors in determining how an individual will define himself and to what group he will show the greatest loyalty. Therefore, race and religion are the best criteria for determining who ought to be allowed to come to Britain. As we have seen, it is quite possible for Christian Europeans, in limited numbers, to be assimilated into our society and culture. They look like us; their values are not so dissimilar from ours.  First generation European immigrants will not be British; the second generation might not be either. But after a few generations, when they no longer speak the tongue of their ancestors and no longer maintain ties with their original homeland, it becomes possible for them to think of themselves as British. They can come to admire our national myths, our history and heroes as much as we ourselves do. Small numbers of European immigrants do not constitute a threat to our identity.  Of course, mass immigration from Europe is another matter.  That we received 500,000 Poles in the last few years is simply an outrage, both for Britain, which has absorbed a mass of people too large to be easily assimilated, and for Poland, which has lost so many of its sons and daughters.

As for Third World immigrants, it is exceedingly difficult for them to be fully assimilated into our culture regardless of the numbers. Leaving aside for a moment the more obvious problems we have discussed in this essay, let us consider those small numbers of second or third generation UK citizens of third world origin who seem well assimilated.  Ask a ‘British’ Indian to name his favourite hero. Do you honestly expect him to say ‘Admiral Horatio Nelson’? Clearly not. You are likely to hear ‘Mahatma Gandhi.’ And who can blame him? Gandhi truly was a hero for the Indians. But to us he was that ‘nauseating fakeer’ (as Winston Churchill called him) who inspired his people do to violence against us. Now, ask a black ‘Briton’ the same question.  Will he name King Alfred? No. –  Nelson Mandela, the ANC leader who led his black brethren in  heartfelt songs about killing off the whites. Put this question to a ‘British’ Muslim. Will he name Queen Elizabeth I (‘Good Queen Bess’ as she is affectionately called by the English)? Obviously not. And we shudder to think whom he might name!  The fact is that racial and religious identity are very strong. One way or another, these minorities will perceive themselves as different from us.  There may be a few blacks, Indians, and even Muslims who truly admire our culture, and prefer it to that of their ancestors and kinsmen abroad. But such men and women are few.  As for the vast majority, they can at best be fair-weather friends to us. They enjoy our relative economic prosperity and social order, and the free benefits many of them receive, but their hearts are with their people, not with us.

What we must do, then, in the first instance, is to summon the will to expel those who express open hostility toward our people and our way of life. And after that, we must encourage the rest, who perhaps bear us no malice but remain here for economic reasons, to be honest with themselves and relocate to the places where their hearts are. Indians, one of the most successful groups to have immigrated to Britain, have already begun to return in small numbers to the home of their ancestors.  The BBC reported in 2006 that the Ministry of Indian Overseas Affairs had granted over 40,000 Overseas Citizenship Certificates to people of Indian origin.  One Scottish-born Indian woman explains the feelings she had growing up in Britain as follows: ‘Somewhere at the back of your mind you’re wondering about this country that your parents came from, and wondering if maybe you belong there.’ Throughout Britain, many true sons and daughters of Pakistan, Nigeria, China and a hundred other countries are no doubt having similar thoughts. The goal, in any program of voluntary repatriation, should be to reduce ethnic minority populations to the point that they are politically insignificant, and thus unable to extract any special concessions from the British people.

I conclude this essay with the following thought: If our country is to be saved, it is clear that a majority of Britons (the true kind, not the counterfeits!) must be mobilized to take back the State and other national institutions from the cosmopolitan global capitalists and multiculturalists who are destroying our Nation. We are speaking here of a veritable revolution (one without violence, we hope!) which will require acts of heroism and sacrifice from millions of our people.  But how can we mobilize millions in an age dominated by selfishness and cowardice?  In his famous rebuke to the French revolutionaries of 1789, Edmund Burke wrote

‘If the last generations of your country appeared without much lustre in your eyes, you might have passed them by, and derived your claims from a more early race of ancestors. Under pious predilection for those ancestors, your imaginations would have realized in them a standard of virtue and wisdom, beyond the vulgar practice of the hour: and you would have risen with the example to whose imitation you aspired. Respecting your forefathers, you would have been taught to respect yourselves.’[viii]

Too many Britons, it seems, as they watch their country die, scarcely have any concept of what is being lost. Disgusted by the ‘vulgar practice of the hour’ they become apathetic; they feel powerless to change things, or decide that the country, in its present disastrous condition, is not worth saving. Such persons are like amnesiacs. When an individual suffers from amnesia, he is robbed of his past. A man who knows not his past knows not who he is; his very personality changes.  He may have been brave, honest, strong, independent-minded, and industrious before, but now, bereft of the memories of his life experience, he is timid, weak, cynical and lazy. The only way to restore an amnesiac to his former self is to restore his memory. The same is true for a Nation suffering from National Amnesia.

The imaginations of our apathetic citizens must be turned to earlier times, to heroes of our past, so that Britons may re-learn British virtue and wisdom, and be inspired by British examples of heroism and self-sacrifice. With images of British heroes in his mind’s eye, our apathetic citizen will better understand what is currently at stake and will better know his own potential for greatness and his duties to the country. Moreover, he will be better prepared to recognize and appreciate those few heroes that our present generation has brought forth, and to understand that it is his duty to follow them. In this struggle for the survival and rebirth of Great Britain, it is clear that the English will have to shoulder the heaviest burden.  What hero and what period should they turn to?  I would suggest King Alfred, the only king whom the English ever called Great. King Alfred spilled his own blood defending the English from foreign invasion. He educated his people: He provided them with ancient wisdom, which he himself translated into their native tongue, and gave them books and chronicles about their history as a people. Throughout his life, he prayed to God for the English people, prayed that the English might show themselves to be a people worthy before God.  All the things that we must do now to prevent the collapse of our nation and restore it to glory – these very deeds King Alfred did then, so that English people would survive, and an English nation might be born. It is time the present essay was concluded, but let us look more closely at the character and the achievements of King Alfred in the next one.

[i]. John Tyndall, ‘More about Being British’ http://spearhead.com/0005-jt1.html

[ii]. Samuel Huntington, ‘The Clash of Civilizations?’ http://history.club.fatih.edu.tr/103%20Huntington%20Clash%20of%20Civilizations%20full%20text.htm

[iii]. David Goodhart ‘Too diverse?’ http://www.geocities.com/jjrinst/DavidGoodhart-Immigration-Prospect.htm

[iv]. Mill explains this assertion as follows: ‘Among a people without fellow-feeling, especially if they read and speak different languages, the united public opinion, necessary to the working of representative government, cannot exist.’ John Stuart Mill Considerations on Representative Government.

[v]. Anthony Smith, Nations and Nationalism in a Global Era

[vi].  Joel Schwarz ‘Multiracial youth more likely to engage in violence, substance abuse’ http://www.uwnews.org/article.asp?articleID=24065

‘Among the findings, the study found that multiracial adolescents were significantly more likely than white, black or Asian-American youth to have smoked cigarettes. The odds were 38 percent less for whites, 32 percent less for blacks and 51 percent less for Asian-Americans. Similarly, whites, blacks and Asian-Americans were 45, 30 and 65 percent less likely, respectively, to have ever consumed alcohol than multiracial youngsters.’ […]

‘When it came to violent behaviors such as carrying a weapon, being in a fight and threatening to stab someone, multiracial youth again were significantly more likely to report having engaged in these activities than were whites or Asian-Americans. Fewer differences were found between multiracial and black youths, although the multiracial adolescents reported significantly higher rates of hurting someone badly in a fight (39 percent) and having carried a gun (46 percent).’

[vii].  Anthony Smith, Nations and Nationalism in a Global Era

[viii].  Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France